This essay was written for an elective subject within a Bachelor of Communication at RMIT University: Music in Popular Culture. The assignment brief was as follows:
Music in popular culture engages in, is influenced by, and impacts on, politics. Discuss this statement with reference to one or two examples in musical culture that relate to any of the following: political movements/ideologies/trends (e.g. neoliberalism, socialism, authoritarianism, populism); social justice issues (e.g. wealth inequality, policing/incarceration, climate/ecological crisis, race/civil rights, gender/feminism/queerness, free speech/civil liberties); or significant events or crises (e.g. pandemics, wars/colonialism/genocide, natural disaster, human-made disaster).
For centuries, music has been a driver of change and powerful influence on people’s political views. Music and politics have held long-standing impacts on each other, both through direct engagement and more covert strategising. Modern-day Western pop stars, most of whom can be considered social progressives, frequently play the role of “political disseminator” (Garlitz 2015), but, just as these young, social-media-savvy artists preach their views from their ultra-visible platforms, so to doo conservatives, such as those with hard-line Islamic morals. Similarly conservative are the vast majority of the world’s national anthems. Often centuries-old and always intensely patriotic, these songs were initially designed to unite citizens, yet, due to their innate politicalness, tend to be far more divisive than intended. Music and politics are intertwined to the extent that their influence on each other cannot be ignored and that their relationship shall never be untangled.
The most explicit and visible political symbols in music arguably lie within national anthems – not only in their lyrics, but in too the concept of these oft-propagandistic compositions as a whole. Many of these songs were composed centuries ago, in a time when slavery was acceptable and almost every Westerner god-fearing. Yet, as societies have evolved and attitudes changed, the virtues insinuated within national anthems have stayed the same. National anthems are ultra-prominent in popular culture and “official patriotic symbols”, so therefore “represent the nation’s identity or character – its mood, desires, and goals as put forth by those in power” (Cerulo 1989, p. 78). According to research carried out by Radu Silaghi-Dumitrescu (2020, p. 294), the 37 topics referred to in each country’s national anthem can be put under the umbrellas of certain major themes. With a 62 per cent incidence, “pride” has an overwhelming presence. Following, “positiv[ity]” sits at 41 per cent, “identity” at 38 per cent, “fight” at 20 per cent, “structure of the society” (i.e., “democracy, law, [the] leader, religion”) at 15 per cent, and “enemy” at 14 per cent. All six of these themes can be seen as intending to unite citizens and “reinforc[e] goals” (Cerulo 1989, p. 78), but also, being inherently political and patriotic, are controversial. Exemplifying this are these lyrics in Egypt’s national anthem:
“Who shall protect free Egypt?
We shall protect it with our lives.
Land of the Revolution, who will sacrifice for her sake?
We will, with our lives.”
Or, to use a more Western example, the lyrics to La Marseillaise, written in 1792 and now representative of France’s 67 million people:
“Do you hear, in the countryside
The roar of those ferocious soldiers?
They’re coming right into your arms
To cut the throats of your sons, your comrades!
To arms, citizens!
Form your battalions
Let’s march, let’s march
So that the impure blood
Should water our fields.”
In both of these cases, and those of many others, “we are left to wonder to what extent national anthems reflect dreams and wishful thinking rather than past achievements or present realities” (Zikmund II 1969, p. 76). Whilst some patriots may be compelled to enlist upon hearing these words, not all Egyptians would be willing to protect their homeland “with their lives”, and demanding a forming of “battalions” and taking up of “arms” might not augur well with everyone in France. Similarly, God Save the Queen does not reflect the beliefs of the United Kingdom’s atheists and abolitionists, nor would Tiến Quân Ca’s(Marching Song in English) reference to “all together advancing” satisfy the left-behind and impoverished Vietnamese. Even the lyric-less former Russian anthem, Patrioticheskaya Pesnya (Patriotic Song), was unpopular with politicians and the public alike, as the lack of words supposedly meant a lack of motivation for Russian athletes during international competitions (Wade, n.d.). Long term, conservatively themed music – such as many national anthems – is less likely to be a cultural unifier when compared to music that drives change. So, due to their political nature and intrinsic divisiveness, creating a popular national anthem to truly unite all is an impossible task in contemporary society.
However, popular music rarely paves the way for activism and progression itself; it is instead far more often following closely behind the cultural leaders and trends of the day. This slight lag comes as a cost of the industry’s requirement of reflecting the zeitgeist to maintain success. Songs about going to space, for example, were not topping the charts before governments started sending astronauts into orbit. After widespread media attention was given to the space race though, music lovers lapped up songs such as “Space Oddity” (1969) and “Rocket Man” (1972). Additionally, songs about racial injustice would not be profoundly popular unless racial injustice was on consumers’ minds in the first place. Music “create[s] a space or territory in which…the similarly dispossessed can meet” (Biddle 2012, p. xiii) and exacerbates the differences between groups on all sides of the identity fence. As identity politics emerged in the 1960s (Biddle 2012), popular music diversified with it. In Detroit, black artists were beginning to develop a sound that fused R&B, pop, gospel and blues; thus, soul music was born. James Brown and Aretha Franklin headlined the stars of the genre, while Berry Gordy Jr.’s Motown label brought girl groups such as the Marvelettes and Diana Ross and the Supremes into the limelight (Understanding Media and Culture: An Introduction to Mass Communication 2016). Civil rights activists, “feminists, environmentalists and Vietnam War protesters” (Understanding Media and Culture: An Introduction to Mass Communication 2016, p. 269) also found their echo chamber through music during this time. At the height of the United States’ civil rights movement, James Brown’s “Say It Loud – I’m Black and I’m Proud” (1968) was one of the year’s most successful singles (Whitburn 2004) and, months after George Floyd’s death led to worldwide support of the Black Lives Matter movement, H.E.R.’s “I Can’t Breathe” (2020) won Song of the Year at the Grammys. H.E.R.’s victory proved a landmark moment in the popular music industry’s embracing of identity politics. The song was not particularly well-known – even as of June 2022, it has received a relatively low 16 million Spotify streams and 2 million YouTube views – so clearly acquired its accolades thanks to its overt political message. Opposite to this, but emphasising the point, is the 2016 case of Tony Timpa: (Bonvillian 2019) a white man who had not taken his prescription medication, called 9-1-1 for aid, then was killed after police restrained him on the ground for nearly 14 minutes despite his crying out, “you’re going to kill me”. Compared to George Floyd’s murder, this incident received extremely little attention, so, combined with the fact that, rightly or wrongly, deaths of white men in police custody is not a focus for many activists, Timpa’s case never became the subject of a Grammy-winning song. Music videos and live performances also stand as perfect platforms to signal an interest in identity politics and diverse representation of races, genders, sexualities and body types. Singer Lizzo – an owner and embracer of a “big, black arse” – has called for “self-love” and to “rupture oppressive norms” (Mason 2022, p. 269) and reflected her beliefs by running a talent show – Watch Out For The Big Grrrls – to specifically find plus-size dancers for her world tour. Clearly, therefore, identity politics and the current social justice sentiments guide much of the music industry’s decision-making.
Musicians do not only put forward their ideals through song – the modern age of social media has led to a huge upswing in pop stars publicly expressing their political views. Since musicians began attaching themselves to political identities – 1840 at the latest in the United States’ case (Garlitz 2015) – music and politics have become further and further intertwined. “In addition to YouTube,” American Dustin Garlitz (2015) says, “platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have been broadly used to promote [presidential] candidates and celebrate victories which represent the most recent iteration of popular musicians’ traditional role as disseminators of political ideology and modellers of civic engagement, especially among younger audiences. Even during non-election campaigns, musicians continue to employ social media to express their opinions across the political spectrum.” Instagram and TikTok – the two platforms most in-vogue with today’s youth – have even more reach. The socially progressive music industry is already brimming with stars adored by children and adolescents, and the “direct-to-fan business model” (Understanding Media and Culture: An Introduction to Mass Communication 2016) and echo-chamber nature of social media means marketing artists to the impressionable youth through virtue signalling strengthens a sense of identity, therefore increasing popularity, filling coffers and perhaps even aiding social progression. In 2018, Taylor Swift broke her political silence and endorsed a Democratic candidate in her home state of Tennessee. Since, she has publicly supported tighter gun control in the U.S., said (2019) that she is “pro-choice”, accused Donald Trump of “gaslighting the American public”, and posted numerous political statements on her social media channels. In the three and a half years post-her breaking of political silence, her Instagram following has increased by more than 100 million. In the three and a half years prior to that – years where Instagram was growing more than it is now – her following increased by a comparatively lower 86 million. While this could be attributed to a multitude of factors, it is clear that the growth of Swift’s fanbase has not slowed since she has become, for some, a political lightning rod. Her primary target audience likely did and still does consist of young women, and she may have attracted new fans through her display of personality and attachment to a political identity, so the number of Swift’s apostates was probably cancelled out. This is evidence to the fact that artists planting their flags in a particular political corner – especially that of social leftism – can lead to them and the music industry reaping rewards. For this reason, plus the more righteous factor of artists genuinely wanting to create change, and society’s overall increasing addiction to social media, pop stars are more inclined to express their political views than ever before.
While leftist pop stars from the West fill social media timelines with their political messaging, right-wing extremists are too radicalising through music. According to Elisabeth Haselauer, music’s primary function is to dispel humans’ primal fears, and, secondarily, to “manipulate people, … impose values [and] pave ideologies” (1980, p. 202). Right-wing radicals have long used music to “form and consolidate” communities (Möller & Mischler 2020, p. 297); German Nazis employed this tactic, as did famous English neo-Nazi musician Ian Stuart and, still today, far-right jihadists (Möller & Mischler 2020). In his propaganda book 44 Ways to Support Jihad, Anwar al-Awlaki teaches the purpose and functionality of nasheeds – works of vocal music often referencing traditional Islamic beliefs. “In the time of Rasulullah, he had poets who would use their poetry to inspire Muslims and demoralise the disbelievers,” al-Awlaki says (2009, p.19). “Today Nasheeds can play that role. A good Nasheed can spread so far it can reach an audience that you could not reach through a lecture or a book. Nasheeds are especially inspiring to the youth, who are the foundation of jihad in every age and time. Nasheeds are an important element in creating a “Jihad Culture”” (al-Awlaki 2009, p. 19). In this example, music serves a methodically parallel yet politically opposite role to Western culture’s protest songs and musicians’ moralistic messaging. Aimed at society’s young and impressionable, these ultra-conservative pieces of music are aimed at shaping the political ideologies of listeners. This and many other types of music, therefore, “serve as gateway[s] to create a first connection or reinforce an existing one and fertilise the ground for a deepening ideological worldview” (Möller & Mischler 2020).
To remove music from politics and politics from music would be to cease music’s existence. The two are intrinsically linked, as music is a huge factor in the formation of identities, and identities are wed to ideologies – so much so that they are strikingly similar etymologically. As is the case with anything, young peoples’ impressionability leaves them especially vulnerable to political coercion through music, both directly – such as through social media statements – and indirectly – such as through subliminal virtue signalling in lyrics. The music they are fed by the Western industry is most often associated with leftism, yet omnipresent national anthems tend to attempt a guiding of people towards patriotism and tradition. Centuries of history and human nature, therefore, prove that music and politics will forever remain entangled.
References
Al-Awlaki, A 2009, 44 Ways to Support Jihad, Victorious media.
Biddle, I 2012, ‘Introduction’, in I Biddle (ed.), Music and Identity Politics, 1st edn, Routledge, Abingdon, pp. xi-xxiii.
Bonvillian, C 2019, ‘’You’re gonna kill me’: Body cameras show man’s death at hands of Dallas cops’, The Atlanta Journal Constitution, viewed 8 June 2022, , https://www.ajc.com/news/national/you-gonna-kill-body-cameras-show-man-death-hands-dallas-cops/VpTq7Qx1nuDQ6F5aWLc3CL/.
Cerulo, K A 1989, ‘Sociopolitical Control and the Structure of National Symbols: An Empirical Analysis of National Anthems’, Social Forces, vol.68, pp. 76-99.
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Möller, V & Mischler, A 2020, ‘The Soundtrack of the Extreme: Nasheeds and Right-Wing Extremist Music as a “Gateway Drug” into the Radical Scene?’, Annales internationals de criminolgie, 2020, vol. 58, no. 2, pp. 291-334.
Silaghi-Dumitrescu, R 2020, ‘Topics in National Anthems’, Journal of Language and Literature, vol. 20, pp. 288-306.
Swift, T 2019, ‘Taylor Swift: ‘I was literally about to break’’, interview by Laura Snapes, The Guardian, 24 August 2019.
Understanding Media and Culture: An Introduction to Mass Communication 2016, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.
Wade, I n.d., The Russian National Anthem and the problem of National Identity in the 21st Century, The Great Britain-Russia Society, viewed 8 June 2022, https://web.archive.org/web/20160923021434/http://www.gbrussia.org/reviews.php?id=163.
Whitburn, J 2004, Top R&B/Hip-Hop Singles: 1942-2004, Record Research, Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin, p. 84.
Zikmund II, J 1969, ‘National Anthems as Political Symbols’, The Australian Journal of Politics and History, vol. 15, pp. 73-80.


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